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[31]   Apocalypticism is a fascinating social form given its inherently radical nature.  The wonder of a group utterly convinced that historical time is at an end, warning their fellows that the day of reckoning is at hand, and assiduously preparing themselves for the climactic events looming on the horizon engages the imagination of social scientists and laymen alike.  There is no shortage of current scholarship describing the nature of specific apocalyptic groups (e.g., de Silva 1992; [32] Kumar 1995; Mullins 1995; Palmer and Finn 1992) and dissecting the essence of apocalypticism as a social form (Bergoffen 1982; Bull 1995; O'Leary 1994; Wagar 1982; Zamora 1982). The present historical moment may offer a particularly propitious occasion to revisit the concept as the imminence of the new millennium augers a proliferation of such groups (Kumar 1995).
        One major problem confronting social scientists employing apocalypticism as a theoretical concept is that it is a borrowed term. Like a number of other concepts in the sociology of religion, it is analytically constrained as a result of having been drawn from theology in the Judeo-Christian tradition. The heritage
of the concept makes it more difficult to apply it in analyzing other religious traditions; it becomes conflated with or overlaps other concepts, such as millennialism, doomsday, and utopianism; and its applicability in understanding various nonreligious counterparts, which bear a strong family resemblance, becomes problematic. I am therefore proposing that apocalypticism be considered more generically, as a radical form of social organization (Lippy 1982).
        In this chapter I analyze religious apocalypticism, that is, a type of radical religious organization. This moves the study of apocalypticism in both narrowing and broadening directions. On the one hand, to focus on religious apocalypticism is not to dispute the broader significance of analogous secular forms, such as nuclear or environmental catastrophe scenarios that have received substantial attention of late (e.g., Barkun 19go; Lamy 1992); it is merely to delimit the argument. Much of the analysis developed here can be transferred to secular forms of apocalypticism, but religion is a distinctive social form requiring separate analysis. On the other hand, to interpret apocalypticism as a social as well as cultural form is to expand the scope of inquiry. A number of scholars have defined apocalypticism specifically in cultural terms - as a genre of literature, narrative, or rhetoric (e.g., O'Leary 1994; Wagar 1982). The perspective I propose connects the symbolic formulation of apocalypse through narrative to the organizational forms through which an apocalyptic reality sense can be constructed. This is not an argument to create a deterministic relationship between cultural and social forms. Obviously the cultural and social forms may be constructed independently. There are apocalyptic narratives rendered both as fiction and scientific prediction. Likewise, organizations characterized by a high degree of social mobilization or totalism do not require an apocalyptic ideological base (Hillery 1969; Kanter 1972; Lofland and Richardson 1984).
        To summarize the argument briefly, I shall contend that apocalypticism is constructed through extreme implementation of the prophetic method (Bromley 1994). [33] It is a social form that has occurred historically during moments of crisis. In the strongest form in which it has been constructed, apocalypticism creates structural liminality. Apocalyptic groups unequivocally reject the social order in which they reside and invest their loyalty and identity in a new order whose arrival they view as imminent and inevitable. The result is a collective existence located between the old order, whose demise is presumed imminent, and the new order, which has yet to be born. Preserving this position of structural liminality requires intensive social and cultural effort. The emphasis here is how apocalypticism as a radical form, incorporating both social and cultural elements, is created through the processes of deconstruction/reconstruction and destructuring/restructuring work.

APOCALYPTICISM AND THE PROPHETIC METHOD
        It is most productive to explore how apocalypticism in its religious form is created by grounding the discussion in a specific perspective on the nature of religion and in assumptions about the social sources of apocalypticism. I begin with the sociological axioms that the reality humans inhabit is socially constructed and that religion is a key element in the human project of reality-construction. Religion involves the creation of the ultimate form of social authorization for social relations. In the Judeo-Christian tradition, at least, this has typically taken the form of the creation of the transcendent - variously envisioned as realm, domain, plane, force, principle - that is juxtaposed to empirical counterparts in the phenomenal world. The creation of a transcendent reality reconstitutes the phenomenal world as what now becomes part of a larger whole. Constructing the transcendent domain as the largest symbolic context for authorizing social relationships, the source of ordering forces that ultimately structure the everyday world, and the locus of independent agency (i.e., spiritual agency) makes religion a source of power. Further, I proceed from the assumption that Western societies are characterized by a high degree of social differentiation and inequality that yields a hegemonic power structure. If the level and kind of religious authorization groups construct are shaped by their social locations, then it follows that one important dimension of religious authorization will be confirmation of or resistance to the existing structure of social relations.
I pursue this line of analysis by distinguishing between two distinctive methods for building religious authorization, priestly and prophetic (Bromley 1994). [34] Through the first, religion attains its power by creating continuity between the transcendent realm and the phenomenal world. Positing fundamental congruence between the two domains creates authorization for the existing structure of social relations, thereby energizing and orienting groups and individuals by aligning them closely with the ultimate ordering of the cosmos. Through the second, religion achieves power by creating discontinuity between the two domains. The incongruence between the two realms energizes and orients individuals and groups in the direction of contesting the legitimacy of the existing social order and distancing themselves from it. Defining priestly and prophetic as methods conceptually allows acknowledgment of the active construction efforts of specific groups in the social order as well as structural conditions favoring one method or the other, without predetermining or overdetermining either.
        Apocalypticism is a radical form of organization that is most likely to be elected by groups in social locations experiencing crisis. Crisis episodes may be defined as historical moments when individuals/groups experience major elements of a structure of social relations, which are accorded a high level of moral priority and generate institutionally central lines of action, as standing in opposition to one another and therefore yielding contradictory behavioral imperatives (Fuchs and Ward 1994; Moaddel 1992; Swidler 1986). At the most basic level, the problem that groups in contemporary Western societies that are caught up in crisis and seek to mobilize resistance confront is that the existing social order is encountered as incorporating natural, or at least neutral, rules that are requisite for civilized social life (see Reiman 1996). The dominant social order thus presents itself as isomorphic with transcendent ordering logic. Likewise, in their own sectors, dominant institutions construct themselves as reflecting, representing, and incorporating transcendent ordering logic through which the larger social order is recreated (Crippen 1988).
Groups facing historical moments of crisis challenge this preemptive program. The apocalyptic position culturally involves repudiation of the foundational elements of the dominant ideology; the strategy is to assert that the contemporary order does not constitute what is and must be but rather that it embodies an unremitting denial of what is and must be. Socially the apocalyptic response is to distance from the existing social order and create an alternative order that models social relations on a vision of the new world to come. Apocalypticism is thus revolutionary but not revolution; it proposes much more than a transfer of power and a replacement of regime. And it is not a vision of [35]doomsday. Catastrophe may be imminent, but the apocalypse is a cataclysm with meaning, one that has as its final purpose not destruction but creation.
        Religious apocalypticism involves a dramatic reconstruction of reality (1). In its religious formulation apocalypticism entails both cultural and organizational work. Culture work centers on symbolically recasting relationships of time, space, and logic between the transcendent realm and the phenomenal world, primarily through reconstructing sacred texts and narratives. Organizing for the apocalypse calls for destructuring and separation, enhanced charismatic claims, and extensive dramatization and ritualization of group life.

APOCALYPTIC CULTURE WORK
        Religious work in the priestly mode is necessarily pragmatic to some degree. In highly differentiated societies there are multiple principles that orient both organizational and individual activity patterns to which priestly guided institutions adjust. This means that there is ongoing conflict, compromise, and change both within the religious institution and with respect to other organizations in the institutional field. Because the religious institution is isomorphic with other central institutions, however, the priestly method involves only moderate cultural reconstruction/deconstruction of symbolic patterning as various organizational actors seek to bolster or weaken their institutional claims. The prophetic method, by comparison, employs radical deconstruction/reconstruction that challenges, and sometimes demonizes, official interpretations of reality and offers an alternative vision of a social order.
        In Western religion the cosmos often is conceived "spatially" as consisting of the phenomenal world and transcendent realm. In the priestly method separation of the two realms acknowledges that human activity and transcendent purpose are not identical, but the stability of that separation signifies that transcendent reordering is not mandated. There is relatively limited boundary crossing of various kinds (e.g., prayer) as humans seek periodic guidance and renewal of purpose. The prophetic method involves a changing relationship between the realms with greater initiative and intervention occurring from the transcendent domain. The discontinuity between the two realms mandates greater intervention in human affairs. Apocalypticism pushes the prophetic method to its logical limit, asserting an impending fusion of the two realms that will result in a radical restructuring of the phenomenal world to bring it [36] into accord with the larger purpose represented in the transcendent realm. In the moment of the apocalypse the two domains are reduced to one. This vision of the future destabilizes the viability and meaningfulness of space in the everyday world, which becomes transitional rather than permanent terrain. Adherents of apocalyptic groups frequently search out and interpret catastrophic events in their environments as evidence of external intervention that presages the ultimate cataclysm.
        Religious myth in the Western tradition arrays the flow of events in a temporal sequence (i.e., the social construction of time) and creates categoric organization of this temporal sequence, typically past, present, and future. In the priestly tradition the present is linked to and legitimated through the past, which adds temporal to spatial stability. By contrast, in the prophetic tradition the present is linked to and legitimated by a predicated future, and so the value of the past as a guide to behavior is depreciated. The world is to be understood in terms of what is to come rather than what has been. What distinguishes apocalypticism is that the future is given greater eminence, and both past and present recede in importance. In the limiting case where an imminent date for the apocalypse is set, the present is reduced to simply a gateway moment leading to the future.
        Apocalyptic intensity can be maintained through predictions that are imminent but indeterminate, which then necessitates and legitimates a constant state of readiness. The effect is to create temporal liminality or intermediacy as the present is ending while the future has yet to be born. This creates inherent marginality for adherents who feel themselves to be standing poised on the brink of time.
        The priestly method involves constructing a basic concordance between the phenomenal world and transcendent realm such that there is a continuity of order and purpose between the two domains. Prophetic religious workers, by contrast, assert a vast chasm and a basic antithesis of ultimate purpose between sacred cosmos and existing social order that accounts for both personal and collective troubles. From a prophetic perspective, both the social order and its inhabitants have become morally corrupted to the point that the very essence of each has been compromised. The prophetic method therefore emphasizes transformation, through some combination of transcendent and human agency, in order to restore the ordering priorities of the transcendent realm. To the extent that human agency is required, this process may entail either transforming the social order as a means of liberating true human nature or transforming individuals as a means of liberating the social order. But in [37] either case humans bear significant responsibility for their separation from ultimate purpose. Apocalypticism alters the balance of human/transcendent agency toward the latter. Humans have fallen to such a level of depravity that unilateral, reorienting transcendent intervention is mandated. In some versions preparatory effort by humankind may be requisite, but in others human activity is deemed inconsequential. Transforming the social order becomes largely irrelevant unless a group assumes responsibility for issuing warnings of impending cataclysm and for gathering the faithful. The focus of activity becomes attending to revelations concerning the timing of the apocalypse, preparing for endtime events, and reorienting expectations and organization toward the world that is to come.
        The prophetic method thus deconstructs and delegitimates the ultimate understandings established by the priestly method to authorize organizations and relationships in the existing social order and to connect human and transcendent purpose (Bourdieu 1991; Fuchs and Ward 1994). Apocalypticism simply extends this process. Its assertions - that the organizing logic of the dominant social order is so antithetical to transcendent purpose that unilateral intervention is mandated; that there will be a fusion of the transcendent and phenomenal realms, which will sweep away the latter; and that the apocalypse will transpire imminently - mount a challenge to the established social order that is direct, total, and on highest authority. A vision of the future that can be juxtaposed to the fatally flawed current social order is central to authorizing resistance and withdrawal. Indeed, as Rorty (1991, 16) notes, "it is not much use pointing to the 'internal contradictions' of a social practice, or 'deconstructing' it, unless one can come up with an alternative practice-unless one can at least sketch a utopia in which the concept or distinction would be absolute." In most cases the shape of the future is little more than a sketch, as apocalyptic groups strive to catch glimpses of the new order through revelatory activity.
        One of the key processes in the prophetic method is deconstruction/reconstruction of sacred texts, since these are a basic source of religious authorization and contain the initial formulation of time, space, and logic relationships. Whereas priestly religious work involves ongoing modification of received tradition through reinterpretation of sacred texts (e.g., apologetics), the prophetic method is premised on revelation. The method therefore involves a reformulation of sacred texts, often involving drastic revisions of traditional meanings or production of new texts that expand upon existing ones, as new revelations [38] are received. The base upon which established religion rests, the true rendering of the nature and purpose in the cosmos, is directly undermined by these revelations. Apocalypticism deconstructs the practical meaning of traditional texts through its erosion of the spatial/temporal stability of the phenomenal world; everyday life can no longer be taken for granted. The imminence and totality of impending change renders priestly method interpretations not just irrelevant but counteradaptive. Apocalyptic revelations are particularly likely to enunciate unitary, overarching principles as a response to the compromise and corruption within the social order that has precipitated the current crisis. These principles are used as emblems of the purity of the apocalyptic group and thematize its organization.

ORGANIZATION FOR THE APOCALYPSE
        There is a substantial body of work in social science that distinguishes between more moderate and radical forms of organization (Bittner 1963; Hillery 1969; Kornhauser 1962; Lofland and Richardson 1984) and that details organizational attributes of the latter (Bromley and Shupe 1979; Coser 1974; Kanter 1972). The organizational attributes of what are here termed priestly and prophetic structured groups correspond in some respects to this distinction.
        Priestly religious workers buttress and preserve existing social differentiation, which means integration and coordination with other established institutions. They are therefore pro-structural in the sense that they sanctify official interpretations of reality and seek to harmonize the various types of differentiation that are integral to any structure of social relations and that also are an ongoing source of tension and conflict. This involves more than accommodation; priestly guided institutions are constitutive of the established social order. Organizational energy is generated through positive integration and social continuity with other institutions.
        Consistent with its emphasis on cultural deconstruction, the prophetic method sweeps away the sources of social differentiation in the prevailing structure of social relations. It is anti-structural in the sense that it is antinomian; it challenges official interpretations of reality; exposes sources of contradiction, compromise, and corruption; and promotes de-differentiation. Prophetically structured organizations derive their energy from a negative relation to institutions in the existing social order. This means more than simply separation; [39] it entails rejection of and resistance to established institutions. Groups employing the prophetic method often publicly decry the persecution and repression they elicit, for these groups require distancing and intense solidarity, both of which are enhanced by heightened internal-external tensions. The prophetic method moves toward collectivism organizationally and relationally, at least for a time, as the group mobilizes itself. This entails both a reduction in status differences within the group and a totalistic environment through which the ideology is sustained and confirmed. In.contrast to the more limited charismatic authority involved in priestly religious work, the prophetic method creates extraordinary claimsmaking capacity. The morally elevated status of prophetic figure(s) and the morally degraded status of adherents means that mutual pledges of commitment between prophetic leader and followers are accompanied by weighty sacrifice and obligation as well as stringent testing of loyalty and commitment for both leaders and followers (2). The process of prophetic religious work fashions a sharp break in individual biographies, between generations, and among elements of the social order. Individuals and the social order both must have a new beginning. Movement adherents assume new identities, create a social structure that models the future order, and may even begin a new lineage. Adherents gain biographical continuity and salvation by assuming charter membership in the tradition that is about to be born.
        Apocalypticism accentuates these attributes. Given the extremity of the apocalyptic vision and the totalistic organization, the ingroup interaction intensifies and the apocalyptic organization segregates itself from conventional society. It is a profoundly antinomian form. The more imminent the projected apocalypse, the more inaccessible the organization and its adherents become to social control. Particularly as apocalyptic groups create their own space organized as part of the new order that they construct to authorize ongoing social relations within the group, they inevitably leave themselves in a position of spatial liminality. The community they create is specifically constructed, both to be part of an order that does not yet exist and to be distanced from the existing social order.
        Through the priestly method, ritualistic observances are constructed that are designed to reintegrate the prevailing structure of social relations by transcending the inevitable concommitants of social differentiation -- divisions created by the rules, statuses, inequalities, and conflict . Ritual observances therefore naturalize existing structural arrangements, as well as the constituent inequalities and conflicts. Narrowly bounded ritualization and spiritual agency [40] are sufficient to achieve such reaffirmation and repair of social relations. Breaches of the prevailing social order can be interpreted in aesthetically dis-tanced ritual enactments that allow participants simultaneously to experience emotionally and reflect cognitively on the complexity of forces creating ten-sion and conflict in their world. These aesthetic dramas can then offer object lessons around which the group can organize its agenda for progressive change.
        In the prophetic method, religious workers create ritualistic observances that protest and resist the reality presented by the prevailing structure of social relations; this is achieved through disassembling and invalidating the sources of differentiation in the dominant social order while simultaneously creating means for adherents to experience directly an alternative reality. The countervailing vision of reality is sustained and the massive influence of con-ventional realities is neutralized in part through extensive ritualization. Ritualized interchanges with members of conventional society, on the one hand, maintain distance despite contact and, on the other hand, engage adherents in the symbolic transformation of the environment. Active transcendent agency is created through "trance" states - defined as being connected and oriented to and having a desire to fulfill transcendent purposes (Swanson 1978, 254) - that simultaneously distance individuals from the conventional social order and maintain active integration with the transcendent realm.
        The great discontinuity experienced through the prophetic method yields a social drama of the first order. Those employing the prophetic method become participants rather than simply participant-observers in an agonic drama, a confrontation between protagonist and antagonist forces. Prophetic revelations depict a cosmic struggle in which the group and individual adher-ents have decisive roles to play, with the result that a great part of day-to-day activity is orchestrated as scenes in this drama. Because the drama involves agency located in the transcendent realm, there cannot be an end to the crisis until restoration of the appropriate relationship between the two realms is achieved.
        In apocalyptic groups ritualization pervades group life. Given that the moment of cataclysm is imminent, group activity is riveted on determining what form transcendent intervention will take, when the apocalyptic moment will occur, what responsibilities human actors bear, and how the future order will unfold. This requires extensive boundary-crossing activity in the form of prophecy, revelation, trance, possession, and related states. Such activity, of [41] course, further distances apocalyptic groups from the larger society; interaction is reduced to warnings and condemnations from one side and accusations of mental aberration and "religious extremism" from the other. The drama in which the group perceives itself to be a participant is heightened to the ulti-mate level, and the narrative plot is simplified. There are two forces, good and evil; two domains, transcendent and worldly; two moments, the fleeting pre-sent and the expansive future. The role of human agents is reduced as a result of transcendent intervention, but proper performance of this more limited role remains vital, for it is the passport to the future.

CONCLUSIONS
        In this chapter I have proposed detaching apocalypticism from its traditional theological moorings in the Judeo-Christian tradition and analyzing it more generically and sociologically as simply a radical form of organization-incor-porating specific cultural and social elements-that occurs during moments of crisis in particular locations. To argue for a structural source of apocalypticism is not to advocate structural determinism. Apocalypticism as a social form is the product of active social and cultural work through what I refer to as the prophetic method. Culturally, apocalypticism deconstructs the symbolic order created and sustained by the dominant social order. The deconstruction process involves reconceptualizing the shape of the cosmos as reflected in rela-tionships of time, space, and logic between the transcendent and phenomenal realms. Apocalyptic reconstructions are designed to destabilize the present as a time period by forecasting an epochal transformation, the everyday world as site of human activity by predicting its imminent destruction, and the logic of the existing order by auguring a paradigmatic shift through unilateral inter-vention from the transcendent realm. The corresponding social process is destructuring. This process involves a rejection of and separation from the conventional social order and the heightened internal solidarity and totalism of collectivist organization. Group life is ritualized extensively as the group constructs itself as a participant in an agonic drama of cosmic proportions and as the group strives for ongoing interaction and integration with transcendent reality.
        These cultural and social strategies reinforce one another. The deconstruc-tion process places apocalyptic groups at the edge-of time, space, and order. [42] The destructuring process takes these groups out of the organizational matrix of conventional social life and leaves them on the edge - between a world that they reject and one that has yet to be born. The result is structural liminality (Turner 1967, 93-111). Apocalyptic groups socially and culturally construct themselves a liminal position that literally is between worlds. At the same time there is little reconstruction or restructuring work. It is true that apocalyptic groups do reformulate sacred narratives, but most of this work is directed at describing the apocalyptic period. There is little charting of the future order that would serve as a plan for reordering life on the other side of the apocalypse. In fact, the narratives specifically disempower them at this point. Correspondingly, there is little restructuring. Apocalyptic groups may model their social relations after their limited vision of the new order but they do not attempt to erect that order. It is this combination of withdrawal from the existing order and eschewing of creating an alternative that characterizes the apocalyptic form. It is group life in suspended animation.
        Viewing apocalypticism from this perspective allows some further insights. First, it involves a peculiar kind of confrontation with the host society. Apocalypticism directly challenges the symbols of cultural legitimation and outflanks institutionalized control systems. At the same time, these groups do not usually engage in a struggle for power; they present themselves as messenger not adversary. While paving the way for intervention by transcendent forces may call for confrontation with the existing order, there does not appear to be any necessary connection between apocalypticism and group-sponsored violence. Second, this analysis suggests that apocalypticism is not inherently "pathological;" as many writers on the subject have implied. The public rantings against conventional society and the extensive ritualization of social life, replete with ecstatic forms, can easily be misinterpreted. By contrast, if apocalypticism is viewed as a group-constructed line of action that creates structural liminality, these activities can be understood simply as radical forms of organization. Finally, apocalypticism is more likely to constitute a moment in a group's history rather than a stable, long-term form of organization. The central reason for the ephemeral nature of apocalypticism is that it is extremely costly. Enormous energy is required to sustain the liminal state these groups create; the rejection of and by conventional society, maintaining a conviction of imminent transformation indefinitely in the wake of failed expectations and counterevidence, and the absence of any institutionalized order through which life can be lived in the long run all exact a high price. In fact, the most [43] likely course appears to be the gradual emergence of reconstruction and
restructuring. I would argue, however, that such efforts signal a transition out of the apocalyptic moment. The formation of apocalyptic groups itself constitutes a statement that this moment is, from their perspective, the beginning of the end. If these fledgling groups long persist and commence the process of cultural reconstruction and social restructuring, I would argue that moment constitutes for apocalyptic groups the end of the beginning.

NOTES
1. For a discussion of drama in social movement ideology, see Bromley (forthcoming).
2. The charismatic authority associated with the prophetic method does not imply that such authority is automatically vested in a single individual or small circle of leaders. Although this pattern is relatively common, it may also be the case that leaders of prophetic groups are symbolic centers of the group and have limited influence. Further, leaders of prophetic groups may be the objects of charisma-building activities and demands for heightened charismatic performances.

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