1. See, e.g., 1 Sam 2:12-17, 22-25, 27-36.
2. C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973) 99.
3. S. Langer, Philosophy in a New Key (4th ed.; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960) 287.
4. L. Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1953).
5. Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures, 100.
6. See S. B. Frost, "The Death of Josiah: A Conspiracy of Silence," JBL 87 (1968) 369-82.
7. Y. Talmon, "Pursuit of the Millennium: The Relation Between Religious and Social Change," Archives europeennes de sociologie 3 (1962) 125-48.
8. N. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957).
9. Most recently, see J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity (New York: Crossroad Publishing Co., 1984).
10. P D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic: The Historical and Sociological Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic Eschatology (2d ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979.
11. Talmon, "Pursuit," 136.
12. This point has been made clearly by A. Y. Collins in an unpublished manuscript entitled "Apocalypse and Politics."
13. This mythologumenen lies at the heart of the monumental Babylonian text, the Enuma Elish (E. Speiser, ANET 3, 60-72).
14. See G. Anderson, "Sacrifices and Offerings in Ancient Israel: Studies in their Social and Political Importance" (unpublished diss., Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1985).
15. The contrast between Haggai's royal perspective and Jeremiah's earlier pronouncements on the Davidic house is sharp (cf. Jer 22:24 with Hag 2:23; see further S. Japhet, "Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel - Against the Background of the Historical and Religious Tendencies of Ezra-Nehemiah," ZAW 77 [1965] and fn. 25).
16. See S. B. Frost, Old Testament Apocalyptic: Its Origins and Growth (London: Epworth Press, 1952); and idem, "Eschatology and Myth," VT 2 (1952) 70-80.
17. The final redactor who added the chronological framework to Haggai and Zechariah 1-7 has been identified by P. Ackroyd as the Chronicler ("Studies in the Book of Haggai," JJS 2 [1951] 163-76 and JJS 3 [1952] 1-13, and "The Book of Haggai and Zechariah I-VIII," JJS 3 [1952] 151-56). In Ezra 5:1, the two prophets are treated as one phenomenon.
18. P. D. Hanson, "In Defiance of Death: Zechariah's Symbolic Universe," Love and Death (ed. J. Marks; New Haven: Four Quarters Publishing, forthcoming).
19. Ezekiel's preference of the term nasi' ("prince") rather than melek ("king") to designate the future Davidide has been understood correctly by critics as a reflection of Ezekiel's pro-priestly posture.
20. D. N. Freedman, "The Chronicler's Purpose," CBQ 23 (1961) 436-42.
21. R M. Cross, "A Reconstruction of the Judean Restoration," JBL 94 (1975) 4-18, reprinted, with revisions, in Interpretation 29 (1975) 187-203.
22. Cross, CMHE, 274-89. Recent study has strengthened the conclusion that the Chronicler used the Dtr 1 edition of the Deuteronomistic History. Cf. S. L. McKenzie, The Chronicler's Use of the Deuteronomistic History (HSM 33; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1984). Chr 1 exudes a deep interest in the Davidic monarchy, the Temple, and a unified Israel throughout. McKenzie has suggested to me in private communication that 2 Chronicles 23-24 even presents a diarchy of sorts, with Jehoiada directing leash in obedience to the tora, and with leash straying from obedience after the death of Jehoiada.
23. Freedman, "Chronicler's Purpose," 196.
24. Cf. P. D. Hanson, The People Called: The Growth of Community in the Bible (New York and San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986), chap. 7.
25. See Cross, CMHE, 293-325.
26. See W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. 539-40.
27. The position advanced in 1934 by A. Alt ("Die Rolle Samarias bei der Entstehung des Judentums," reprinted in Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel II [Munich: C. H. Beck, 1953] 316-37), and subsequently widely held by scholars, has been convincingly refuted by N. Avigad, who on the basis of a thorough study of seals, bullae, and stamped jar handles of the early Second Temple period as well as the evidence of the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, has offered a plausible reconstruction of the non-Davidic Jewish governors beginning with Sheshbazzar and ending with Nehemiah. Avigad goes on to suggest that the jar handles stamped with yhd plus the names of the governors and their officers are from jars used in gathering wine from the populace as part of the system of heavy taxation referred to in Neh 5:15 (N. Avigad, Bullae and Seals from a Postexilic Judean Archive [Qedem 4; Monographs of the Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University; Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1976] 1-36).
28. See Hanson, Dawn, 263-69.
29. For a more complete discussion of the dissident group behind the oracles of Isaiah 56-66, see Hanson, Dawn, 32-208.
30. W. Zimmerli, "Zur Sprache Tritojesajas," in Gottes Offenbarung (Munich: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1963) 217-33.
31. W. R. Millar, Isaiah 24-27 and the Origin of Apocalyptic (HSM 11; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1976). Whether the visionaries behind Isaiah 56-66, Ezekiel 38-39, Isaiah 24-27, Zechariah 9-11 and 12-14, and Joel were all members of one dissident movement is a difficult problem, and will not be discussed here. Much work remains in seeking to untangle the social-historical matrix of these and related writings of the postexilic period.
32. Hanson, Dawn, 94-96.
33. Cross, CMHE, 344.
34. J. G. Janzen, Job (Interpretation; Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1985).
35. J. G. Janzen, "The Place of the Book of Job in the History of Israel's Religion," chap. 28 in this volume.